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Program Planning and the B'nai B'rith Calendar (Program 101)

8/26/2015

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PictureRhonda Love
If it is September, we are receiving calendars in the mail from our synagogues, organizations or supermarkets because Jewish life revolves around the calendar.  It is filled with holiday information, recipes and how-to guides to bring observances to your home or synagogue.  This is the outline for our Jewish life cycle. The calendar also is the life cycle of organizations, such as B’nai B’rith. 

These events are available to be part of your life too. Each month brings an opportunity to be part of the activities that are planned, whether you can attend in person or learn more about the subject by viewing the on-line story available on the B’nai B’rith website or newsletters. 

B’nai B’rith regions and districts and community lodges and units, plan activities that provide social activity and lectures featuring experts on interesting subjects and issues that are important to the Jewish people such as Israel and events in the Middle East. The program planners include fund-raising events such as goods and services auctions, golf outings or a tribute dinner or brunch for a community leader.  

Community service events are planned, again, with a look at the calendar to connect with the needs in the community, both for Jewish people in need as well as the general community or for veterans, seniors and sick and needy children. With names such as Schlep Sunday, Operation Brotherhood, Pinch-hitters, Project H.O.P.E., these programs have become representative of the tradition of service in our organization, as the community knows it can count on this activity.  It also offers members and supporters an opportunity to do a good deed as volunteers.  Individuals look forward to being a part of these programs, not only for the good it does for others, but for the benefit of those who perform this service for those in need. 

Holocaust remembrance is on the list of programs that find their place in programming planning, with potential commemoration dates.  One is Yom Hashoah, the 27 of Nissan, chosen by the Israeli Knesset to be the Day of Remembrance and a more recent addition, the International Holocaust Remembrance Day selected by the United Nations for its observance on Jan. 27.  Another Holocaust related anniversary observed is the commemoration of Kristallnacht, the Night of Broken Glass, which is observed Nov. 9 and 10. It commemorates the horrifying attacks on Jews in Germany and Austria in 1938 when at least 96 Jews were killed, more than 1,000 synagogues were set on fire, nearly 7,500 Jewish-owned businesses were destroyed, and countless community centers, libraries and homes were attacked, looted and destroyed. About 30,000 Jews were sent to concentration camps during this time.

Young Leadership Network
Kristallnacht
Project H.O.P.E.
Holocaust Remembrance
As programs are established, we see the structure of a program year take shape, from planning to implementation.  For those programs already part of our year, we see what date will work best and check with community calendars to avoid conflicts with other organizations or find new partners for our programming.  We also look for unmet needs and see how we can fill those with a new program that we can bring to the community. 

We evaluate each program held the previous year to determine if it was successful or whether there is a change needed. Events can be held monthly, quarterly or annually. The Henry Monsky Lodge in Omaha, Neb. could win a most programs planned a year award, as it holds  a weekly luncheon, featuring guest speakers on a variety of topics, offered as a place to lunch and learn about something of interest each week along with other special events in the community. 

Audiences are identified, with specific program activity such as the B’nai B’rith Young Leadership Network planning its calendar in cities around the world, with activity dedicated to reaching out to young professionals age 22 -40  in a community with social, service and issue oriented programming.

And while you have your calendars in front of you—see the world of programming in action: join us at the annual B’nai B’rith International Policy Forum, Nov. 8-10  and a pre-forum Young Leadership Conference (Nov. 6-8) in Washington, D.C. for a showcase of programs connected to B’nai B’rith.  

Click below to register:
2015 Policy Forum Registration

Rhonda Love is the Vice President of Programming for B'nai B'rith International. She is Director of the Center of Community Action and Center of Jewish Identity. She served as the Program Director of the former District One of B'nai B'rith. In 2002 she received recognition by B'nai brith with the Julius Bisno Professional Excellence Award. This June will mark her 38th anniversary at B'nai B'rith. To view some of her additional content, Click Here.
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An Important New Jewish Outlet; Exploring Life and Death In Art

8/20/2015

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PictureCheryl Kempler
Who isn’t a Mayim Bialik fan? It’s tough not to be impressed by a woman whose deftly deadpan antics as The Big Bang Theory’s Dr. Amy Farrah Fowler, a Ph.D. neuroscientist, are informed by her real life education as a Ph.D. neuroscientist. 

To learn more about her, legions of devotees—seemingly of all demographics and faiths--are logging on to her new website Groknation.com, a name referencing the 1960s cult science fiction novel Stranger in a Strange Land. Bialik writes about all aspects of her multi-layered life, from her Jewish background and love of Israel, to parenting, the arts, and her special vegan diet.   

Readers may be surprised by the frankness of Bialik’s posts, the most recent focusing on the ways in which her adherence to Jewish ritual became a source of comfort after her father’s death: 

“Life goes on; it has to. But saying Kaddish every day has allowed me to step out of the ‘life goes on’ part of my day to enter a sanctuary (literally!) where I again am a mourner, and I feel again that life can’t go on because it’s OK to feel that way. It’s healthy to hold that tension in your brain. Grief is dissecting life going on from life not going on again and again.”

And… no, Bialik will not divulge anything about Amy’s response to Sheldon’s Big Bang proposal on the site—unless you don’t like to laugh, you’ll just have to catch the season premiere.

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Join the crowds coming downtown to New York’s glitzy new Whitney Museum of American Art for a look at 29 year old Rachel Rose’s prize-winning works during her solo show from Oct. 2, 2015 to Feb. 7, 2016 in its Kaufman Gallery, where her installation “will physically engage with the architecture of the museum’s new building.”   


Educated at Columbia, Yale and London’s Courtauld Institute of Art as an art historian and painter, Rose became known for using innovative materials like gel and transparent plastic paper to produce brilliantly colored, glistening forms suggestive of biological organisms or marine animals.

Fusing the conceptual and the sensual, her critically acclaimed videos, including A Minute Ago and Sitting Feeding Sleeping, are thoroughly original constructions bringing together film clips--from sources including YouTube, vintage movies and the artist’s own footage of zoo animals--that address big questions about life and death, and explore the sometimes uneasy relationships between nature, culture and advanced technology.  
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Rachel Rose, Everything and More (still), 2015. HD video. Courtesy Pilar Corrias, London

Also Read:

#TBT: B'nai B'rith Sponsors Football Game
B'nai B'rith Partners With Skirball Museum
B'nai B'rith Honors Peyton Manning

Cheryl Kempler is an art and music specialist who works in the B'nai B'rith International Curatorial Office and writes about history and Jewish culture for B’nai B’rith Magazine. To view some of her additional content, Click Here.
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The False Choice Between Diplomacy and War

8/14/2015

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PictureEric Fusfield
"Let's not mince words,” President Obama told an audience at American University on August 5, in defense of the Iran nuclear agreement.  “The choice we face is ultimately between diplomacy or some form of war. Maybe not tomorrow, maybe not three months from now, but soon."

The following day, Sen. Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) took issue with the dichotomy offered by the president.  “Some say the only answer to this is war.  I don’t believe so,” Schumer said.  “I believe we should go back and try to get a better deal…The nations of the world should join us in that.”

This disagreement between two senior officials of the same party raises two crucial questions for both Democratic and Republican members of Congress to ponder as they decide how to vote on the Joint Plan of Action (JCPOA) when Congress passes judgment next month.  Is there really no alternative to the deal other than war?  And do opponents of the agreement actually advocate war?

The answer to the second question is almost universally no.  Many of the deal’s fiercest critics, such as Sen. Mark Kirk (R-Ill.) have called not for war, but for a better agreement.  So why would the JCPOA’s supporters imply that their opponents prefer war as a policy option?

Framing the issue as a diplomacy-vs.-war dilemma helps the deal’s backers channel unhappy memories of the debate that preceded the U.S. operation in Iraq 12 years ago.  We chose to enter a costly war once before, the reasoning goes; let’s not repeat that mistake.  Invoking the specter of war also minimizes the arguments of those who oppose the JCPOA on the merits; it is easier to quell serious debate if critics can simply be dismissed as warmongers.

But regardless of how one felt about the prospect of military conflict in 2003 or 2015, it seems clear that other options remain available with respect to Iran today.   Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Martin Dempsey acknowledged as much in his recent testimony before the Senate.  “I can tell you that we have a range of options and I always present them” to the president, he told the Senate panel.

Increased sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and the credible threat of military force could go a long way toward securing a better agreement than the one currently being deliberated over.  With sanctions still in place – or tightened – Iran would have a strong incentive to slow its march toward nuclear weapons if the contracts with multinational energy firms Iran hopes to negotiate are suddenly put at risk.  Also in peril would be Iran’s access to the more than $100 billion in frozen assets it hopes to retrieve.

DIME, the military and government acronym for soft power tools, accounts for the diplomatic, informational, military and economic aspects of American power.  All of these instruments could be applied to maintain pressure on Iran to curb its nuclear program while the U.S. and its partners seek a better agreement.

The U.S. has significant leverage against Iran, a fact that was reflected during the negotiations by Iran’s continued insistence on the immediate lifting of sanctions to ease the country’s troubled economic plight.  If, as National Security Advisor Susan Rice said earlier this year, “A bad deal is worse than no deal,” how did we arrive at a stark choice between this flawed agreement and war?

Certainly the debate over the JCPOA needs to be informed by a clear understanding of America’s options and how best to maximize them in order to prevent a nuclear Iran.  In that light, false dichotomies such as diplomacy vs. war are unhelpful distractions.

Related Reading:

B’nai B’rith Urges Congress To Reject Iran Deal
Examining Iran Deal’s Convoluted 'Snapback' U.N. Sanctions
The Invisible Target: Latin America & The Iran Nuclear Deal

Eric Fusfield, Esq. has been the B’nai B’rith International director of legislative affairs since 2003 and the deputy director of the B’nai B’rith International Center for Human Rights and Public Policy since 2007. He has worked in Jewish advocacy since 1998. To view some of his additional content, Click Here.
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The Invisible Target: Latin America and the Iran Nuclear Deal

8/12/2015

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PictureSienna Girgenti
Iran—which publicly and proudly declares its intent to wipe Israel off the map—has been a major contributor to building the financial and military capacity of Hezbollah. It is directly responsible for developing the infrastructure of terror in Central and South America in order to, among other goals, have a base from which to attack the United States. 

Iran has been clearly implicated in the bombing of the Israeli Embassy in Buenos Aires in 1992 and the AMIA bombing two years later of the Jewish community center in Buenos Aires, killing 85 people.  Alberto Nisman, the Argentine prosecutor charged with investigating the AMIA bombing, was found dead in his home earlier this year after presenting an avalanche of evidence about Iran's terrorist activities throughout the region. Most recently, he accused Argentine President Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, her foreign minister and other members and allies of the government of having obstructed the investigation of Iranian involvement in the attack in order to secure an oil deal with Iran.

In fact, just a few months ago, an Iranian diplomat based in Uruguay hurriedly left the country after rumors that he was involved in suspicious activities, purportedly involving a plan to bomb the Embassy of Israel in Montevideo. 

Venezuela has proven the linchpin of this Iranian activity, with the country providing passports to members of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps, and with ties including a direct air link, Iranian investments in “auto, bicycle, and cement” factories, and joint petroleum and mining ventures. Reports of military cooperation abound. Iran has steadily infiltrated Latin America in this manner, creating strong and dangerous ties with countries in the Chavez-Castro alliance (the Bolivarian Alternative for our Americas, or ALBA) including Bolivia, Nicaragua, Cuba and Ecuador, where Iran has signed dozens of economic agreements.

These avenues of influence are described by security analyst Joseph Humire as Iran’s pattern of penetration, evolving through its cultural, diplomatic, economic and military influence. It is clear that Iran maintains Latin America as a strategic priority for its global positioning.

It is in the context of all this manipulation that the United States, as a member of the P5+1, held negotiations and signed a deal with Iran with the intention of curbing its nuclear capabilities in exchange for sanctions relief. The Iran nuclear deal has been evaluated at length, and has been heavily criticized from broad reaches of the political spectrum. 

It is odd, then, that through all the debate and discussion, there still remains the question that everyone has seemingly failed to ask: what will be the impact of the Iran nuclear deal in our own backyard? One has to ask what effect sanctions relief will have on Iranian financial and material assistance to Hezbollah and other regional proxies throughout the Western Hemisphere and elsewhere. 

The economic sanctions that at least strained Iranian endeavors over the past three decades will be lifted.  There is no doubt that the half-trillion dollar jackpot Iran is slated to receive will be directly funneled into those activities we dread most: the exportation of Iranian aggression and anti-Semitism. These funds, returned to the coffers of a known state sponsor of terrorism, will surely make their way toward financial and material assistance to Hezbollah and other regional proxies. As it concerns U.S. national security, one can’t help but flatly reject the far-reaching concessions of the P5+1 as a direct threat to our interests regionally, let alone globally.

The reaction in Latin America has, thus far, been as one might expect.  Kirchner has praised the agreement, while questioning local critics of the AMIA memorandum pact, surely a failed attempted to bless her own deal with Iran in the face of mounting pressure. The president of Colombia also congratulated President Obama and Secretary of State John Kerry for their “courage” in securing the deal, perhaps related to Colombia’s close relationship with the United States.

But with history as our guide, this agreement will do more harm than good. The expanded presence of Iran in Latin American should have, at the outset, given the United States pause, given a known regime in Tehran that supports terrorism as an officially sanctioned tool of national power. That Iran remains heavily invested in the region’s shift to the left and the anti-U.S. sentiment it provokes is hardly surprising. The fact that regional powers do not recognize the danger within their own borders is naïve at best, ignorant at worst.

While a nuclear Iran would trigger proliferation and instability throughout the Middle East and beyond, the easing of sanctions will be found to provide an umbrella for Iran’s terror proxies around the globe. There has been no accountability for Iran’s decades-long history of deception and denial over their nuclear ambitions and past links to terrorism, and there is no reason to give Iran the benefit of the doubt now.

Related Reading:


Sienna Girgenti is the Assistant Director for the International Center for Human Rights and Public Policy at B'nai B'rith International. To view some of her additional content, Click Here.
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Why We Should Be Concerned About A New Resolution By The U.N. Security Council On The Israeli-Palestinian Conflict (English & Spanish)

8/8/2015

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English Version:

PictureAdriana Camisar
The majority of the Jewish public knows quite well and follows with interest the vicissitudes of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. However, there is an important point that is central to the conflict’s permanence, and that few people know in depth. I am referring to the so-called "right of return" and what this Palestinian demand actually means for the viability of the two-state solution.

While Hamas is largely considered a terrorist organization that denies Israel's right to exist and therefore rejects the idea of a two-state solution, Fatah is generally seen as a “moderate” group that would be willing to accept such a solution. But is this really true?

To answer this question it is necessary to analyze the so-called right of return, because this is a demand that Fatah refuses to give up. Compliance with this requirement would mean in practice that not only the surviving refugees from the 1948 war but also their children, grandchildren and great-grandchildren could settle in Israel. We are talking here about more than five million people, whose massive migration would naturally end the existence of Israel as a majority Jewish State.

Many people believe that this is a demand that the Palestinian Authority (PA) would eventually be willing to give up in a negotiation process. But the facts simply contradict that assertion. The Clinton Parameters of 2000 established that the refugee issue had to be resolved outside of Israel (with Israel absorbing only those refugees it wanted to admit). And President Bill Clinton offered to raise funds in order to help with the resettlement effort. This was not accepted by Arafat and was the central point that thwarted any possibility of agreement. Something similar happened when Mahmoud Abbas failed to accept the generous offer made by then Prime Minister Ehud Olmert.

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As wisely noted by Ambassador Richard Schifter—with whom B'nai B'rith has been working closely for several years now—while Hamas clearly aims to destroy Israel through violence and terror, Fatah intends to achieve that same result through diplomatic means. What we are confronting is a two-stage strategy. The first stage involves the creation of a Palestinian state. The second stage involves the destruction of the Jewish state through the full implementation of the right of return. This is a result that could not be achieved through direct negotiations with Israel, and this is why Fatah prefers to go to the United Nations instead and have the U.N. impose that result.

Any doubt that one might have about this goes away when reading the set of recommendations that Saeb Erekat, the chief negotiator of the PA, who has recently been appointed secretary general of the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) by Abbas, issued last June. His recommendations, among other things, set up a plan for action at the U.N., imposing a right of return and rejecting the possibility of recognizing Israel as a Jewish State.

Saeb Erekat is one of the leading spokesmen of the PA, so it is clear that the PA and its current leadership are only "moderate" in terms of the "means" they have chosen to use but not in terms of their "ultimate purpose," which is the destruction of Israel as the nation-state of the Jewish people.

The Palestinians base their claim to the right of return on a U.N. General Assembly resolution of 1948. This resolution (known as Res.194) created a Conciliation Commission aimed at helping end the war between Israel and its Arab neighbors. And it stated, among other things, that those refugees wishing to return to their homes and live at peace with their neighbors "should" be allowed to do so, and that those choosing not to do so should be compensated for their property. In addition, it stated that the Commission should facilitate the repatriation, resettlement and social rehabilitation of the refugees.

Despite the fact that all Arab states voted against this resolution at the time, and that the resolution did not refer to Arab refugees only but to all refugees in the area of the Mandate of Palestine, throughout the years the Palestinians have interpreted this resolution as establishing the so-called “right of return” for Palestinian refugees (including not only the original refugees of 1948 but the almost five million descendants that—inexplicably—still qualify as refugees today under the provisions of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency (UNRWA)). 

It is important to clarify though that Res. 194 is merely a "recommendation" of the General Assembly and, therefore, it cannot establish a binding obligation. The resolution specifically stated the need to facilitate the resettlement of refugees, but the U.N. agency that should have done so (UNRWA) never had resettlement as its goal, giving the Palestinians a completely different treatment than the rest of the world's refugees. The condition of refugee is therefore indefinitely passed from generation to generation, which not only deprives these people of adequate social rehabilitation but also ensures that they become an increasingly growing threat to the Jewish State.

Last December, the Palestinians introduced a resolution to the U.N. Security Council (through Jordan) that failed to reach the necessary majority to be approved (or force a U.S. veto), thanks to the last minute abstention of Nigeria. This resolution, which was supported by France, demanded that Israel withdraw from the so-called occupied territories in a fixed deadline and did not provide adequate security guarantees. But what many people did not notice is that the resolution also contained the demand of the right of return in a “camouflaged” way. It called for a solution of the refugee question “on the basis of the Arab Peace Initiative (which explicitly denies the possibility of resettlement outside Israel), international law and relevant United Nations resolutions, including resolution 194 (mentioned above).”

This is, of course, as Ambassador Schifter puts it, a smart strategy to turn a mere "recommendation" of the General Assembly into a "right" created by the Security Council. And it is important to understand how dangerous this would be. 

In recent months, the French government (perhaps encouraged by recent statements made by the Obama administration about the possibility of "rethinking" its support for Israel at the U.N., and by the new composition of the Council) has been trying to introduce a new resolution to the Security Council. However, Foreign Minister Laurent Fabius apparently decided not to continue with this effort because of the difficulty of finding a text that is acceptable both to the Palestinians and the United States. 
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But a similar initiative will most likely be submitted to the Council soon. Erekat has announced in his set of recommendations, that the Palestinians will put forward their own plan in the next few months, calling on the U.N. Security Council to impose the Palestinian demands for a peace settlement.  Responsibility for supervising the implementation of the Security Council’s peace program, as proposed by Erekat, is to be given to an international group, which will include, in addition to the permanent members of the Security Council, representatives of Arab States, the European Union, Brazil, India and South Africa.

In addition, soon after signing the nuclear deal with Iran, the European Union announced its intention to play a more important role in reviving the peace talks. European foreign ministers reportedly plan to seek approval of the General Assembly in September to form a "support group" that would replace the United States as the main broker of the talks. And the next step would be a resolution of the Security Council establishing the parameters of a peace agreement.

Whatever initiative takes preeminence, it is critically important for the American Jewish community and the interested public to realize how dangerous it would be for a Security Council resolution to include the right of return, and help spread the word, as America should oppose any attempt to give the Palestinians the legal power to end the existence of the Jewish state through a program of mass migration.  

Versión Español:

La mayoría del publico judío conoce bastante bien y sigue con interés las vicisitudes del conflicto Palestino-Israelí. Sin embargo, hay un punto central que hace a la permanencia del conflicto, y que poca gente conoce en profundidad. Se trata del llamado “derecho de retorno,” y de lo que esta demanda palestina implica realmente para la viabilidad de la solución de dos Estados.

Mientras que Hamas es mayormente considerada una organización terrorista que niega el derecho de Israel a existir y que por lo tanto rechaza la idea de una solución de dos Estados, Fatah es vista en general como una agrupación “moderada” dispuesta a aceptar dicha solución. Pero es esto realmente cierto?
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Para contestar a esta pregunta es necesario analizar el llamado derecho de retorno, ya que es una demanda a la que Fatah se niega a renunciar. El cumplimiento de este requerimiento significaría en la práctica que los hijos, nietos y bisnietos de los refugiados palestinos originales puedan establecerse en Israel. Estamos hablando aquí de mas de cinco millones de personas, cuya inmigración masiva naturalmente terminaría con la existencia del Estado de Israel como Estado judío. 

Mucha gente considera que esta es una demanda a la que la Autoridad Palestina (AP) eventualmente estaría dispuesta a renunciar en un proceso de negociación. Pero los hechos contradicen esa creencia. En el año 2000, los Parámetros de Clinton establecían que la cuestión de los refugiados debía resolverse fuera de las fronteras de Israel (admitiendo Israel solo a aquellos refugiados que desee absorber). Y el presidente Bill Clinton ofreció recaudar fondos para ayudar con el re-establecimiento de los refugiados. Esto no fue aceptado por Arafat y fue el punto central que desbarató toda posibilidad de acuerdo. Algo muy similar ocurrió cuando Mahmoud Abbas rechazo la generosa oferta realizada por el entonces Primer Ministro Ehud Olmert.

Como lo nota sabiamente el Embajador Richard Schifter, con quien B’nai B’rith trabaja estrechamente y con quien he tenido el gusto de colaborar desde hace ya varios años, mientras que Hamas tiene claramente como objetivo la destrucción del Estado de Israel mediante la violencia y el terror, Fatah busca alcanzar el mismo resultado pero por la vía diplomática, principalmente a través de las Naciones Unidas. Estamos aquí frente a una estrategia que tiene dos etapas, la primera es la creación de un Estado Palestino contiguo al Estado de Israel, la segunda es la destrucción del carácter judío del Estado mediante la implementación del derecho de retorno. Este es un resultado al que no podría llegarse mediante negociaciones directas con Israel, y es por esto que Fatah prefiere acudir a la O.N.U., de manera que sea este organismo el que le imponga dicho resultado al Estado judío.

Cualquier duda acerca de esto se desvanece al leer las recomendaciones que Saeb Erekat - principal negociador de la AP, recientemente nombrado secretario general de la Organización para la Liberación de Palestina (OLP) – emitió en junio de 2015. En ellas se establece, entre otras cosas, un plan de acción en la O.N.U., que incluye la clara negativa a renunciar al derecho de retorno y a reconocer al Estado de Israel como Estado judío. 
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Saeb Erekat es uno de los principales voceros de la AP, por lo que esta claro que la AP y sus lideres actuales son “moderados” en cuanto a los “medios” que han elegido utilizar pero no en cuanto a su “finalidad ultima” que es la destrucción del Estado de Israel como el Estado-Nación del pueblo judío.

Los palestinos basan su demanda en una resolución de la Asamblea General de la O.N.U. del año 1948. Esta resolución creaba un Comisión de Conciliación para ayudar a concluir la guerra entre Israel y sus vecinos árabes y establecía, entre otras cosas, que los refugiados que deseen volver a sus hogares y vivir en paz con sus vecinos “deberían” poder hacerlo y que aquellos que elijan no hacerlo deberían tener una compensación por su propiedad. También establecía que la Comisión debía facilitar la repatriación, re-establecimiento y rehabilitación social de los refugiados…”

A pesar de que todos los Estados árabes votaron en contra de esta resolución en ese momento, y de que la resolución no se refería solamente a los refugiados palestinos sino a todos los refugiados dentro del área del Mandato de Palestina, a través de los años los palestinos han interpretado que esta resolución consagra el llamado derecho de retorno de los refugiados palestinos (incluyendo no solo a los refugiados originales de 1948 sino a los cinco millones de descendientes que hoy, inexplicablemente, siguen calificando como refugiados de acuerdo a las disposiciones de la Agencia de Naciones Unidas para los Refugiados de Palestina en Oriente Próximo (UNRWA)).

Cabe aclarar que la resolución 194 es una mera “recomendación” de la Asamblea General que no puede establecer una obligación vinculante. Y a pesar de que la resolución específicamente establecía la necesidad de facilitar el re-establecimiento en otro lugar de aquellos refugiados que no puedan regresar a sus hogares, la agencia de la O.N.U. que debería haberlo hecho (UNRWA) nunca tuvo como objetivo el re-establecimiento de los refugiados palestinos fuera de las fronteras de Israel, dándole a los palestinos un tratamiento completamente diferente al del resto de los refugiados del mundo. El carácter de refugiado se pasa así indefinidamente de generación en generación. Esto no solo priva a estas personas de una adecuada rehabilitación social sino que además garantiza que se conviertan en una amenaza cada vez mayor para el Estado judío.

El pasado diciembre de 2014, los palestinos introdujeron una resolución en el Consejo de Seguridad de la O.N.U. (a través de Jordania) que no pudo alcanzar la mayoría necesaria para ser aprobada (o forzar el veto de los Estados Unidos) gracias a la abstención de ultimo momento de Nigeria. Esta resolución, que fue apoyada por Francia, exigía que Israel se retirara de los llamados territorios ocupados en un plazo perentorio y no preveía garantías adecuadas para su seguridad. Pero lo que muchas personas no notaron es que esta resolución contenía además la demanda del derecho de retorno de una manera “camuflada,” al llamar a una solución de la cuestión de los refugiados en base a la Iniciativa de Paz Árabe (que explícitamente niega la posibilidad de que los refugiados palestinos se re-establezcan fuera de Israel), y a la resolución 194 de la Asamblea General mencionada arriba.  

Se trata, como lo nota el Embajador Schifter, de una inteligente estrategia para convertir una mera “recomendación” de la Asamblea General en un “derecho” consagrado por el Consejo de Seguridad. Y es importante entender lo peligroso que sería esto. 

En los últimos meses, Francia –alentada quizás por las declaraciones del gobierno de Obama sobre la posibilidad de “reprensar” su apoyo a Israel en la O.N.U., así como por la nueva composición del Consejo- ha estado tratando de introducir una nueva resolución al Consejo de Seguridad. Sin embargo, al parecer el Canciller Frances desistió de esto por la dificultad de lograr un texto que sea aceptable para los palestinos y que a su vez no sea vetado por los Estados Unidos. 

Pero es probable que una iniciativa similar sea presentada al Consejo en un futuro muy cercano. En su set de recomendaciones, Erekat anuncio que los palestinos presentaran su propio plan en los próximos meses, llamando al Consejo de Seguridad a imponer las demandas palestinas para un acuerdo de paz. La responsabilidad de supervisar la implementación de dicho programa de paz del Consejo de Seguridad estaría a cargo de un grupo internacional, que incluiría, además de los miembros permanentes del Consejo, a representantes de Estados Árabes, la Unión Europea, Brasil, India y Sudáfrica.

Por otro lado, la Unión Europea – poco después de la firma del acuerdo nuclear con Irán – ha anunciado su intención de tener un rol mas importante en la reactivación de las negociaciones de paz. Al parecer los cancilleres europeos planean buscar la aprobación de la Asamblea General en Septiembre para conformar un “grupo de apoyo” que reemplazaría a los Estados Unidos como el principal mediador del proceso. Y el siguiente paso seria una resolución del Consejo de Seguridad que establezca los parámetros de un acuerdo de paz. 

Cualquiera sea la iniciativa que tenga preeminencia, es sumamente importante que la comunidad judía americana y el publico interesado comprendan lo peligroso que sería que se incluya el derecho de retorno en una eventual resolución del Consejo de Seguridad y ayude a difundir este punto. Es imprescindible que los Estados Unidos se opongan a cualquier resolución del Consejo de Seguridad que le de a los palestinos el poder legal de terminar con la existencia del Estado judío a través de un programa de inmigración masiva.

Adriana Camisar, is an attorney by training who holds a graduate degree in international law and diplomacy from The Fletcher School (Tufts University). She has been B'nai B'rith International Assistant Director for Latin American Affairs since late 2008, and Special Advisor on Latin American Affairs since 2013, when she relocated to Argentina, her native country. Prior to joining B'nai B'rith International, she worked as a research assistant to visiting Professor Luis Moreno Ocampo (former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court), at Harvard University; interned at the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs; worked at a children's rights organization in San Diego, CA; and worked briefly as a research assistant to the Secretary for Legal Affairs at the Organization of American States (OAS). To view some of her additional content, Click Here.
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