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Still Waiting for Justice: 22 Years After the AMIA Bombing Rocked Buenos Aires (English and Español)

7/12/2016

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This piece was also run on The Times of Israel. You can click below to read it there. 
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English

​July 18 will mark the 22nd anniversary of the horrific terrorist attack against the AMIA Jewish center in Buenos Aires, in which 85 people died and over 300 were injured. But the relatives of the victims are still waiting for justice.
 
For many years, the investigation was plagued by irregularities and delays until 2005, when then-President Néstor Kirchner admitted to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights the responsibility of the Argentine State—among other things—for its deliberate failure to investigate. Kirchner also decided to create a special unit for the investigation of the attack (known as UFI-AMIA) and named young prosecutor Alberto Nisman to run it.
 
Nisman found, after conducting a lengthy and serious investigation, that the Iranian government had been directly involved in the planning of the attack and that the execution of it had been the responsibility of Hezbollah operatives. He even secured Interpol red alerts for five Iranians and a Lebanese national in 2007.
 
The case could not advance beyond that, unfortunately, due to Iran's refusal to hand over the suspects, and the fact that in Argentina it is not possible to conduct trials "in absentia."
 
In an incomprehensible turn, the government of President Cristina Fernández de Kirchner decided to sign, in 2013, a "Memorandum of Understanding" with Iran, which provided, among other things, for the creation of a "Commission of Truth" to jointly investigate the attack. This was something clearly absurd given Iran's historic refusal to cooperate with Argentina and the fact that some of the accused were either still in government or had strong connections with the Iranian regime. It was something as absurd as to create a Nazi Commission to investigate the Holocaust.
 
Nisman's hard work was clearly in danger so, after collecting the evidence, he decided— in January 2015—to accuse Fernández de Kirchner, her Foreign Minister Héctor Timerman, and other members and close allies of the government, of having negotiated the pact with Iran in order to give impunity to the accused, in exchange for trade agreements that included an exchange of grain for oil.
 
Nisman had to make a presentation before Congress to expand on his explosive allegations, but was found "mysteriously" dead in his apartment the day before.
 
The investigation into the causes of his death was plagued by embarrassing irregularities and today—more than a year after his death—the justice system could not determine if Nisman was murdered or committed "suicide," as was initially suggested by the government.
 
Nisman's complaint against the government was rejected in limine (and therefore buried) by a judge, with highly questionable legal arguments.
 
And the AMIA case itself was put again in a state of limbo. New prosecutors were appointed to replace Nisman by the attorney general of the nation. According to the Argentine Constitution, the attorney general should be an impartial guardian of legality. But the person that sits in that position today is someone who used it from day one to do political activism in favor of Kirchner.
 
On Dec. 10, 2015, President Mauricio Macri took office and said he would do everything possible to get to the truth.
 
But the political will of the new government is probably not enough to dismantle the corruption that appears entrenched in the judiciary, the security forces and the intelligence agencies. There are some positive developments that seem to indicate that the judges are more willing to investigate, now that there is a new government in place. But it is still early to know if Argentineans will be able to get to the truth.
 
It should be noted that recently, the president has supported the proposal made by several civil society organizations that the Council of Magistrates (an impartial body whose supervisory role is enshrined in the Constitution) conduct an audit of the work of the federal courts. If the Council finds that some judges purposely delayed corruption cases, it could impeach them. This would send an important message not only for the judiciary but also for the Argentine society as a whole.
 
I certainly hope that Argentineans can get to know precisely what happened to Nisman.  And I also hope that his complaint against the former government is now properly investigated.
 
With respect to the AMIA case itself, unless the current attorney general leaves her position, there is no way to guarantee that Nisman's valuable investigation is not distorted. Some lawmakers are trying to impeach her but do not have the necessary support in Congress, at least not for now.
 
The government, on the other hand, has established a state agency to help clarify both the AMIA bombing and the death of Nisman. Although this entity can provide valuable data to the investigation, it is not judicial in nature. It is playing an important role though in promoting a debate on the possibility of allowing trials in absentia in Argentina.
 
In sum, at least for the time being, the possibility of getting justice for the victims of the AMIA bombing and for Nisman (who has unfortunately become the 86th victim of this ferocious terrorist attack) seems pretty far away. 
​Español

El 18 de Julio se cumplirán 22 años del atentado terrorista a la mutual judía AMIA, en Buenos Aires, en el que murieron 85 personas y más de 300 resultaron heridas. Pero los familiares de las víctimas todavía están esperando que se haga justicia.
 
Durante muchos años, la investigación estuvo plagada de irregularidades y demoras hasta que en el año 2005, el entonces Presidente Néstor Kirchner reconoció ante la Comisión Interamericana de Derechos Humanos la responsabilidad del Estado argentino—entre otras cosas—por el grave y deliberado incumplimiento de la función de investigación. Kirchner además decidió crear una unidad especial para la investigación del atentado (conocida como UFI-AMIA) y nombró al joven fiscal Alberto Nisman para dirigirla.
 
Nisman encontró, luego de una ardua investigación, que el gobierno iraní había estado directamente involucrado en el planeamiento del atentado y que su ejecución había estado a cargo del grupo terrorista Hezbollah. Es así como logró que se emitan alertas rojas de Interpol para cinco iraníes y un libanés en el año 2007.
 
La causa no pudo avanzar mas allá de eso, desafortunadamente, debido a la falta de cooperación por parte del gobierno iraní, y al hecho de que Argentina no contempla en su legislación la posibilidad del juicio “en ausencia.”
 
En un vuelco incomprensible, el gobierno de la Presidenta Cristina Fernández de Kirchner decidió firmar, en el año 2013, un “Memorándum de Entendimiento” con Irán, que establecía, entre otras cosas, la creación de una “comisión conjunta” para investigar el atentado, algo claramente absurdo dada la histórica negación del gobierno iraní de cooperar con la justicia argentina y la evidente participación activa de personas aun vinculadas al gobierno en el planeamiento del atentado. Era algo tan absurdo como crear una comisión formada por Nazis para investigar el Holocausto.
 
El arduo trabajo del fiscal Nisman estaba claramente en peligro por lo que, luego de recabar numerosas pruebas decidió, en enero de 2015, acusar a Fernández de Kirchner, a su Canciller Héctor Timerman, y a otros miembros y allegados al gobierno, de haber negociado y firmado el pacto con Irán para dar impunidad a los acusados, a cambio de acuerdos comerciales que incluían el intercambio de granos por petróleo.
 
Nisman debía ampliar su explosiva declaración en el Congreso argentino, pero apareció “misteriosamente” muerto en su departamento el día antes.
 
La investigación acerca de las causas de su muerte estuvo plagada de irregularidades vergonzosas por lo que—a más de un año de su muerte—la justicia no ha podido determinar si se trató de un homicidio o un “suicidio,” como inicialmente sugirió el gobierno.
 
La denuncia que hizo Nisman contra el gobierno fue desestimada in limine (y por lo tanto enterrada) por un juez, con argumentos legales sumamente cuestionables.
 
Y la causa AMIA quedó nuevamente en un limbo. Nuevos fiscales fueron designados para reemplazar a Nisman por la Procuradora General de La Nación, alguien que desde el primer día ha utilizado su cargo (que se supone debe ser imparcial) para hacer militancia política en favor de la entonces Presidenta Cristina Kirchner.
 
El 10 de diciembre de 2015 asumió el nuevo gobierno del Presidente Mauricio Macri, quien aseguró que haría todo lo posible por llegar a la verdad.
 
Pero la voluntad política del nuevo gobierno no parece suficiente para desbaratar la corrupción enquistada en el poder judicial, las fuerzas de seguridad y las agencias de inteligencia. Hay algunos atisbos que indicarían que los jueces están más dispuestos a actuar ahora que hay un nuevo gobierno. Pero es temprano para saber si realmente se llegará a la verdad.
 
Cabe destacar que recientemente, el Presidente ha apoyado la propuesta hecha por diversos sectores de la sociedad civil de que el Consejo de la Magistratura (un órgano imparcial cuyo rol de contralor esta consagrado en la Constitución Nacional) realice una auditoria de la labor de los juzgados federales. En caso de encontrar que algunos jueces demoraron injustificadamente casos de corrupción, el Consejo podría iniciarles juicio político. Esto enviaría un importante mensaje no solo al Poder Judicial sino a la sociedad toda.
 
Realmente espero que los argentinos puedan llegar a saber con precisión que fue lo que le pasó a Nisman. Y también espero que pueda reabrirse la denuncia que hizo contra el anterior gobierno para que esta vez se investigue de verdad.
 
Con respecto a la causa AMIA propiamente dicha, la única forma de garantizar que la valiosa investigación que el fiscal Nisman había realizado siga su curso es que la Procuradora General deje su cargo, lo que es difícil dado el carácter vitalicio del mismo. Algunos legisladores están tratando de destituirla vía juicio político pero no cuentan con el apoyo necesario en el Congreso para hacerlo, al menos no por ahora.
 
El gobierno por otra parte creo una Secretaría para ayudar a esclarecer tanto el atentado a la AMIA como la muerte de Nisman. Aunque esta entidad puede aportar datos a la investigación, no tiene carácter jurisdiccional. Está sin embargo cumpliendo un importante rol al promover un debate sobre la instalación del juicio en ausencia en la Argentina.
 
En suma, por ahora, no parece estar cerca la posibilidad de que haya justicia para las víctimas y familiares del atentado a la AMIA. Y tampoco parece probable que se vaya a saber—en un futuro cercano—lo que realmente le paso al Fiscal Nisman, considerado hoy la víctima número 86 de este feroz atentado.
More from Adriana Camisar
Recent Run-Off Elections in Argentina and the Beginning af a New Era in Argentine Politics
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U.N. Anti-Israel Propaganda Apparatus and Role of Latin America

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Adriana Camisar, is an attorney by training who holds a graduate degree in international law and diplomacy from The Fletcher School (Tufts University). She has been B'nai B'rith International Assistant Director for Latin America Affairs since late 2008, and Special Adviser on Latin America Affairs since 2013, when she relocated to Argentina, her native country. Prior to joining B'nai B'rith International, she worked as a research assistant to visiting Professor Luis Moreno Ocampo (former Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court), at Harvard University; interned at the United Nations Office of Legal Affairs; worked at a children's rights organization in San Diego, CA; and worked briefly as a research assistant to the Secretary for Legal Affairs at the Organization of American States (OAS). To view some of her additional content, Click Here.
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